cocopaddingakterritorium

In ethology, the term territory refers to any sociographical area that an animal of a particular species consistently defends against conspecifics (and, occasionally, animals of other species). Animals that defend territories in this way are referred to as territorial.
Territoriality is only shown by a minority of species. More commonly, an individual or a group of animals will have an area that it habitually uses but does not necessarily defend; this is called the home range. The home ranges of different groups of animals often overlap, and in the overlap areas, the groups will tend to avoid each other rather than seeking to expel each other. Within the home range there may be a core area that no other individual group uses, but, again, this is as a result of avoidance rather than defense.

Function:

The ultimate function of animals inhabiting and defending a territory is to increase the individual fitness or inclusive fitness of the animals expressing the behaviour. Fitness in this biological sense relates to the ability of an animal to survive and raise young. The proximate functions of territory defense vary. For some animals, the reason for such protective behaviour is to acquire and protect food sources, nesting sites, mating areas, or to attract a mate.

Types and sizes

Territories have been classified as six types.
Type A: An 'all-purpose territory' in which all activities occur, e.g. courtship, mating, nesting and foraging. Common in songbirds.
Type B: A mating and nesting territory in which all breeding activities occur, but most foraging occurs elsewhere.
Type C: A nesting territory which includes the nest plus a small area around it. Common in colonial waterbirds.
Type D: A pairing and mating territory. The type of territory defended by males in lekking species.
Type E: Roosting territory.
Type F: Winter territory which typically includes foraging areas and roost sites. May be equivalent (in terms of location) to the Type A territory, or for a migratory species, may be on the wintering grounds.
Reports of territory size can be confused by a lack of distinction between home range and the defended territory. The size and shape of a territory can vary according to its purpose, season, the amount and quality of resources it contains, or the geography. The size is usually a compromise of resource needs, defense costs, predation pressure and reproductive needs.
Some species of squirrels may claim as much as 10 hectares of territory. For European badgers, a home range may be as small as 30 hectares in a good rural habitat, but as large as 300 hectares in a poor habitat. On average, a territory may be approximately 50 hectares, with main setts normally at least 500 metres apart. In an area which provides a very poor habitat, the territory may be as large as 300 hectares. In urban areas, territories can be as small as 5 hectares, if they can obtain enough food from bird tables, food waste or artificial feeding in suburban gardens.[3] Spotted hyenas (Crocuta crocuta) have highly variable territory sizes, ranging from less than 4,000 hectares in the Ngorongoro Crater to over 100,000 hectares in the Kalahari.
In birds, Golden Eagles (Aquila chrysaetos) have territories of 9,000 hectares, Least Flycatchers' (Empidonax minimus) territories are about 600 square metres and Gulls have territories of only a few square centimetres in the immediate vicinity of the nest.

Retaining a territory:

Rather than retaining a territory simply by fighting, for some animals this can be a 3-stage process. Many animals create "sign-posts" to advertise their territory. Sometimes these sign-posts are on the boundary thereby demarcating the territory, or, may be scattered throughout the territory. These communicate to other animals that the territory is occupied and may also communicate additional information such as the sex, reproductive status or dominance status of the territory-holder. Sign-posts may communicate information by olfactory, auditory, or visual means, or a combination of these. If an intruder progresses further into the territory beyond the sign-posts and encounters the territory-holder, both animals may begin "ritualised aggression" toward each other. This is a series of stylised postures, vocalisations, displays, etc. which function to solve the territory dispute without actual fighting as this could injure either or both animals. Ritualised aggression often ends by one of the animals fleeing (generally the intruder). If this does not happen, the territory may be defended by actual fighting, although this is generally a last resort.

Advertising the territory:
1. Scent marking
Scent marking, also known as territorial marking or spraying when this involves urination, is a behaviour used by animals to identify their territory.[8] Most commonly, this is accomplished by depositing strong-smelling substances contained in the urine, faeces, or, from specialised scent glands located on various areas of the body. Often, the scent contains pheromones or carrier proteins such as the major urinary proteins to stabilize the odours and maintain them for longer.[9][10] The animal sniffing the scent mark will frequently display a flehmen response to assist in communication of the information.
Not only does scent marking communicate information to conspecifics, but can also indicate the presence of the territory-holder to prey species. For example, felids such as leopards and jaguars mark by rubbing themselves against vegetation.[citation needed] Prosimians and New World monkeys also use scent marking, including urine washing (self-anointing the body with urine), to communicate.[11][12] Many ungulates, for example the Blue Wildebeest, use scent marking from two glands, the preorbital gland and a scent gland in the hoof.[citation needed]
Territorial scent marking may involve behaviours specific to this activity. When a wolf marks its territory, it lifts a hind leg and urinates on a scent post (usually an elevated position like a tree, rock, or bush). This raised leg urination is different from normal urination, which is done while squatting. Usually, this urine marking posture is exclusively performed by female and male alpha wolves, although it is usually the alpha male that does this most often. The alpha female usually urinates on a scent post that her breeding partner has just urinated on, although during the mating season, the female may first urinate on the ground. All other females in the pack, and also young wolves and low-ranking male wolves, will urinate while squatting.[13] Males and female ring-tailed lemurs (Lemur catta) scent-mark both vertical and horizontal surfaces at the overlaps in their home ranges using their anogenital scent glands. To do this, they will perform a handstand to mark vertical surfaces, grasping the highest point with their feet while applying the scent.

2. Visual
Visual sign-posts may be a short-term or long-term mode of advertising a territory. Short-term communication includes the colouration or behaviour of the animal, which can only be communicated when the resident is present. Other animals may use more long-term visual signals such as faecal deposits, or marks on the vegetetation or ground. Visual marking of territory is often combined with other modes of animal communication.
Some animals have prominent "badges" or visual displays to advertise their territory, often in combination with scent marking or auditory signals. Male European Robins are noted for their highly aggressive territorial behaviour. They will attack other males that stray into their territories, and have been observed attacking other small birds without apparent provocation. Such attacks sometimes lead to fatalities, accounting for up to 10% of adult Robin deaths in some areas.[17] The red breast of the bird (i.e. badge) is highly visible when it sings (vocal marking) at the boundary of its territory. The ring-tailed lemur (Lemur catta) advertises its territory with urine scent marks. When it is urinating for marking purposes, it holds its extremely distinctive tail tail high in the air adding a visual component to the advertisement; when it is urinating for eliminative purposes, its tail is only slightly raised.[18]
Rhinoceros have poor vision but may use visual marking. Dominant white rhino bulls mark their territory with faeces and urine (olfactory marking).[11] The dung is laid in well defined piles. There may be 20 to 30 of these piles to alert passing rhinoceros that it is occupied territory. Other males may deposit dung over the piles of another and subsequently the sign-post grows larger and larger. Such a dung heap can become up to five metres wide and one metre high.[19] After defecating, greater one-horned rhinos scratch their hind feet in the dung. By continuing to walk, they “transport” their own smell around the paths, thus establishing a scent-marked trail. Another method of visually marking their territory is wiping their horns on bushes or the ground and scraping with the feet, although this is likely combined with the smell of the marking animal. The territorial male will scrape-mark every 30 m (98 ft) or so around its territory boundary.
After leaving a urination mark, some animals scrape or dig the ground nearby, thereby leaving a visual advertisement of the territory.
Several species scratch or chew trees leaving a visual mark of their territory. This is sometimes combined with rubbing on the tree which may leave tufts of fur. These include the Canada lynx (Lynx canadensis)[20] and the American black bear (Ursus americanus).[21][22] Many animals have scent glands in their paws or deposit fur during tree-marking, so tree-marking may be a combination of both visual and olfactory advertising of the territory. The male ring-tailed lemur has a specialised adaptation to assist in leaving visual/olfactory territorial marks. On their inner forearm (antebrachial) is a scent gland which is covered by a spur. In a behaviour called "spur marking", they grasp the substrate, usually a small sapling, and drag the spur over it, cutting into the wood and spreading the gland's secretions. When on the ground, ring-tailed lemurs preferentially mark small saplings and when high in the trees, they usually mark small vertical branches.[14]
European wildcats (Felis silvestris) deposit their faecal marks on plants with high visual conspicuousness that enhances the visual effectiveness of the signal.

3. Auditory:
Many animals use vocalisations to advertise their territory. These are short-term signals transmitted only when the animal is present, but can travel long distances and over varied habitats. Examples of animals which use auditory signals include birds, frogs and canids. Wolves advertise their territories to other packs through a combination of scent marking and howling. Under certain conditions, wolf howls can be heard over areas of up to 130 km2 (50 sq mi).[24] When howling together, wolves harmonize rather than chorus on the same note, thus creating the illusion of there being more wolves than there actually are.[25] Wolves from different geographic locations may howl in different fashions: the howls of European wolves are much more protracted and melodious than those of North American wolves, whose howls are louder and have a stronger emphasis on the first syllable

4. Ritualised aggression
Animals use a range of behaviours to intimidate intruders and defend their territories, but without engaging in fights which are expensive in terms of energy and the risk of injury. This is ritualised aggression. Such defense frequently involves a graded series of behaviours or displays that include threatening gestures such as vocalizations, spreading of wings or gill covers, lifting and presentation of claws, head bobbing, tail and body beating, and finally, direct attack. Domestic cats (Felis catus) are very territorial and will defend this with ritualized body posturing, stalking, staring, spitting, yowling and howling. Spider monkeys (genus Ateles) defend their territory by screams, barks, rattling or dropping branches, and urinating and defeacating on intruders below.[27][28] Oscar cichlids (Astronotus ocellatus'') are able to rapidly alter their colouration, a trait which facilitates ritualised territorial and combat behaviours amongst conspecifics.[29]
Male ring-tailed lemurs have scent glands on their wrists, chests, and in the genital area. During encounters with rival males they may perform ritualised aggression by having a "stink fight". The males anoint their tails by rubbing the ends of their tails on the inside of their wrists and on their chests. They then arch their tails over their bodies and wave them at their opponent. The male toward which this is directed either responds with a display of his own, physical aggression, or flees. "Stink fights" can last from 10 minutes to one hour.[14]
Ritualised aggression can sometimes include actual fights. The creek chub (Semotilus atromaculatus) engages in ritualized aggression when others of the species invade its territory. Engaging in parallel swimming, the fish widens its fins and mouth and swims at a caudal fin beat. Intimidating opponent fish throughout these rituals, the forward fish stops and directs blows to the head of the other fish to ensure territory dominance.

5.Defense
Territories may be held by an individual, a mated or unmated pair, or a group. Territoriality is not always a fixed behavioural characteristic of a species. For example, red foxes (Vulpes vulpes) either establish stable home ranges within particular areas or are itinerant with no fixed abode.[31] Territories may vary with time (season), for example, robins defend territories as pairs during the breeding season but as individuals during the winter. Resource availability may cause changes in territoriality, for example, some nectarivores defend territories only during the mornings when plants are richest in nectar. In species that do not form pair bonds, male and female territories are often independent, i.e. males defend territories only against other males and females only against other females. In this case, if the species is polygynous, one male territory will probably contain several female territories, while in some polyandrous species such as the Northern Jacana, this situation is reversed.

Polyterritoriality

Many species demonstrate the behavior of polyterritoriality, referring to the act of claiming or defending more than one territory. In the European pied flycatcher (Ficedula hypoleuca), researchers assert that males exhibit polyterritoriality to deceive females of the species into entering into polygynous relationships. This hypothesis, named the deception hypothesis, claims that males have territories at distances sufficiently great that females will not be able to discern already-mated males. The observation that males travelled long distances, ranging from 200m to 3.5 km, to find a second mate supports this the argument.[39] The debate about polyterritoriality in this species may initiate research about the evolution and reasons for polyterritoriality in other unrelated species.

Bron: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Territory_(animal)

CONCLUSIE: De publieke ruimte wordt nu ingericht voor beide genders, wat wrijving geeft, en ongebalanseerd wordt uitgevoerd, mannen en vrouwen hebben beide andere behoeftes van een ruimte, en reageren anders op ruimtes.

Gender and use of public space
Karin Grundström

The every day life activities of women and men have been studied in
order to analyse the use of public space. An outline for a model of activity mapping that can
be used for gender-sensitive planning is suggested.

Gender and activities in public space
Studying peoples’ use and experience of public space has a long tradition within the field of
architecture and urban planning, although few examples from developing countries are found
The term public space is often used to describe those spaces of cities such as streets, parks,
squares and public buildings that are open to the public and accessible for everyone—as a
contrast to private space where access is restricted. (Carmona 2003, Broadbent 1990, Gehl
1987, Hillier & Hanson 1984, Jacobs 1992, Whyte 1985).
The accessibility of public space for “everyone” has been discussed; the use and experience
of space differs since gender, class, age, race and ethnicity contributes to shaping our
experiences and our possibilities to use public space. There has been a critique from feminist
scholars of many approaches to urban studies for being male-biased and based on a perception
of people as un-gendered (Boverket 1996, Friberg 2002, García-Ramon 2004, Greed 1994,
Hayden 2000, McDowell 1999, Sandercock 1998, Terlinden 2003, Wilson 1992).
In many developing countries urbanization and poverty forces poor people to live in the
outskirts of cities, far from employment and societal services. Poor people are often
confronted with limitations in the activities they are able to carry out; productive activities,
possibilities for social interaction and expression of political standpoints. The gender
organisation, of a society can also, often for women, add further limitations. Because of their
triple roles of productive, reproductive and community managing work, women often have a
more complex relation to the built environment and are often mentioned as a vulnerable
group. (ADB 2000, Chant 1996, Chowdry 1995, Dandekar 1992, Larsson & Schlyter 1993,
Moser 1996, Tibaijuka 2002)
Equal access to public space should be a right for all people living in cities. However, the
relation between gender, people’s activities and the design of public space is often given little
or no attention in planning, especially for poor people.

Methodology
The study is based on a questionnaire, interviews and direct observations. The observations
were carried out in February 2005 during five days, from Thursday to Monday to map the use
of public space according to sex and age. Interviews with the inhabitants were carried out in
2004, interviews with 23 women, and in 2005 interviews with 17 men living in the housing
area. The people chosen for the interviews were selected in order to cover different opinions
and experiences related to household structure, economic situation, occupation and age. The
respondents of the interviews were contacted with the help of local leaders of the community.
In 2004 interviews were also done with planners, architects and staff at the ministry of
housing. A questionnaire directed to the female head of the households was distributed and 2
answered by 300 households in 2004. The questionnaire was aimed at collecting demographic
facts about the households of Lindora and their use of public spaces.

Every day life activities
The every day life activities taking place within productive and reproductive activities are
taking place at different scales in private and public spaces. During the self-help construction
phase activities that are normally taken care of by women in private space such as childcare
and cooking were carried out in public space in a day care centre and a community kitchen,
but after the area was finished those activities moved back into private spaces.

Productive activities
Both women and men use their houses for income-generating activities. Using the house as a
production unit is done in many different ways. Women produce different types of food, like
bread and salads that they sell in the community. Women also sell services like childcare and
beauty treatments where a part of the house is used as a nursery or hairdresser. Men use their
houses as production units for their businesses such as an artisans’ work-shop, a carpentry or 4
a garage for repairing cars. Both women and men use part of, or extensions of, their houses
for small shops selling mainly various types of food. Housing is also income generating
through letting out rooms or parts of the house to tenants.

Bron: http://www.n-aerus.net/web/sat/workshops/2005/papers/11.pdf

Conclusie: De aanwezigheid van man en vrouw in ruimtes creeert spanning, unisex = dus een wereld waar spanning op deze manier minder aanwezig is.

The human form has been a lasting feature of Italian designer Fabio Novembre’s designs; whether product, interior or furniture. And Who’s Who, a boutique for the Italian fasion brand on Corso Venezia, Milan is no different. Along one side of the narrow store, the supersized forms of male figures stretch over to their female counterparts on the other. Visitors walk through the space between, over a floor laid with geometric tiles. The hands of each figure reach across the space, creating a tension that Novembre says reminds of Michelango´s famous fresco.

Bron: http://www.frameweb.com/news/who--s-who-by-fabio-novembre

Conclusie: Het balans tussen mannelijk en vrouwelijk territorium is veranderd in de publieke ruimte. Mannenlijk territorium heeft in de hedendaagse maatschappij ruimte moeten maken voor vrouwelijk territorium.

Once upon a time, the world belonged to men. Because men had exclusive power in both private and public life, they controlled their surrounding environment and the way in which space was designed and decorated. Consequently, the world was once a very masculine place.
Thankfully, we’ve made progress in the area of gender equality and women have brought their influence to bear in both the home and the workplace. However, as with many other areas of modern life, the pendulum has swung from one extreme to the other; instead of creating a world that’s friendly to both male and female space, we’ve created one that benefits female space at the expense of male space.

Once upon a time, the world belonged to men. Because men had exclusive power in both private and public life, they controlled their surrounding environment and the way in which space was designed and decorated. Consequently, the world was once a very masculine place.
Thankfully, we’ve made progress in the area of gender equality and women have brought their influence to bear in both the home and the workplace. However, as with many other areas of modern life, the pendulum has swung from one extreme to the other; instead of creating a world that’s friendly to both male and female space, we’ve created one that benefits female space at the expense of male space.
What’s behind the decline in male space and the proliferation of female space? It’s a complex and interesting story that goes all the way back to 18th century. Below we’ll explore some of the factors that have contributed to the near eradication of male space in both public and private life.

Decline of Male Space in the Public Sphere
For most of humanity, the public sphere was solely a man’s domain. Up until as far as the 19thcentury, it wasn’t even appropriate for women to visit outside the home without a man accompanying her.
However, in the last 100 years, areas designated as male space have shrunk because of changes in attitudes towards gender and anti-discrimination laws.
For example: the workplace, the bar, the barbershop, the gym, and the fraternal lodge/social club.

Decline of Male Space in the Home
Paralleling the decline in male space in public was the decline of male space in the domestic sphere. This perhaps was even more dramatic for men because, well, it hit so close to home. A man was once king of his castle, but in a blink of an eye he was dethroned. Here’s a brief primer on how it went down.
The Industrial Revolution: The Beginning of the End of Male Space
Before the Industrial Revolution, you could find most men working in or around the home. This was a time of self-sufficient small farmers and noble artisans. A man used his home as his place of business and, consequently, homes were designed to accommodate the needs of the dirty work of farming, blacksmithing, and leatherworking. Consequently, the home had a predominately masculine vibe. Exposed beams, dirt floors, and earthen fireplaces were the norm. Tools were left here and there, guns hung above the fireplace, the sheep dog came in and out as he pleased, and a man didn’t think about wiping his feet before he came inside. He didn’t have to worry about a nagging wife getting on to him for mucking up the place because the place was already mucked up.
By the middle of the 19th century, the Industrial Revolution was in full swing. Families moved from the country to the city, and men left home to work in the factories. Women, of course, stayed home to run the household. Thus a strict work/home dichotomy developed, with women given domain over the latter. The Cult of Domesticity, popular during this time, encouraged middle and upper class women to make the home a “haven in a heartless world” for her husband and children.

During the Victorian Era, upper and middle class homes were built with several gender specific rooms. These rooms were often divided evenly among men and women. Women had sewing, drawing, and tea rooms; men had billiards, smoking, and trophy rooms. One peculiar male room in Victorian homes was the growling room. That’s right-growling room. Apparently growling rooms were a place a man could go to be alone and “growl” when in a bad mood. (I just use the bathroom for that now. )
This period of gender balance in homes would be short lived, however, and male space would continue to shrink as women took more and more control over home life.
Suburban Living: The Elimination of Male Space
Male space in the home was exchanged for family space.
One of the most powerful changes was the migration of white, middle class families from cities to the suburbs. Large developments like Levittown provided returning vets a chance to buy a piece of the American Dream for a relatively affordable price and get started on raising a family.
The rise of suburban culture with its emphasis on creating a domestic nest, usually meant sacrificing male space for the good of the family.

Why Male Space is Important
We often underestimate the effects our surroundings have on our psyche. Famous feminist writer Virginia Woolf understood the importance that space can have on an individual.
In her 1928 essay A Room of One’s Own, Woolf passionately argued that the reason women hadn’t produced as many great literary works as men was because they were denied the same opportunities afforded their male counterparts. The central argument in her essay was that women needed a room of their own in a world that was predominantly male so they could be alone and connect with their true identity and creative impulses.
Eighty years later, it’s the men asking for a room of their own.
Just as male friends play an important role in giving men satisfaction and in shaping their manliness, so does male space. It’s important that men have a place where they can take off their social masks and revel in masculine energy. For many men, the bureaucracy of corporate culture can leave them feeling powerless and emasculated. Having a “man cave” at home, a place men can deocrate as they please and do what they want in can give them a much-needed sense of control, empowerment, and of course relaxation. And spending time in the company of other men at an all-male hang out can help a man reconnect with his manliness
It seems in the past 10 years or so businesses and home designers are starting to recognize the importance of male space. Cottage industries have sprung up dedicated to designing “man caves” in homes, and many a man dreams of building a tiny house in the woods or backyard. Barbershops are coming back in a big way, and men of my generation are becoming interested in joining fraternal lodges like the Masons. Some pioneering men are even starting clubs of their own. After a period of decline, I think we’re seeing the start of a renaissance in male space. With all that’s going on, now is a better time then ever to carve out your own inner sanctum of manliness. So get to it. Your man cave awaits.

Bron: http://www.artofmanliness.com/2010/01/10/the-decline-of-male-space/